The European Political Community (EPC) is now a fact. A summit in Prague on October 6, attended by heads of state and government from around 44 countries, launched the pan-European club.
Originally proposed by French President Emmanuel Macron in a speech to the European Parliament, the EPC includes all 27 members of the European Union as well as their neighbours: from Ukraine to Azerbaijan and from Bosnia and Herzegovina to Georgia. Significantly, the forum also includes the UK and Turkey, two key players in
'Wider Europe', both outside the EU. Prime Minister Liz Truss and President Recep Tayyip Erdogan appeared in Prague.
Macron had every reason to be happy with such a line-up. A new organization has been created to ensure security and stability in Europe, and France is at the helm. The Elysee thinks he has a vision and a plan. From a French perspective, the EPC kills two birds with one stone. On the one hand, it draws neighbors into the EU's sphere of influence, even in difficult cases like post-Brexit Britain and Turkey, which is at odds with several EU member states. States, including France.
The EPC also includes war-torn Ukraine and other emerging EU members in the post-Soviet space, such as Moldova and Georgia. On the other hand, it is a broad and flexible agreement, as the EPC leaves enough room to speed up integration within the EU and in particular its core, which is the eurozone. COVID-19 led to increased fiscal solidarity in the form of joint loans. Paris pleads for further deepening of common institutions and policies, especially if done under its leadership of
It all adds up to the coveted goal of "strategic autonomy," the idea that "Europe" (i.e., the EU) is internally cohesive and also strive to act independently in international affairs at a time when U.S.-China bipolarity is taking shape.
The big question is whether the EPC works for non-EU countries. Do they see an added value or, on the contrary, do they agree to participate to please the EU and/or France? The answer depends on where you are on the map. For the Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia, the EPZ is a welcome development. It anchors them even more firmly in the EU-centric regional order and strengthens the already existing web of treaties and institutional templates that tie them to the 27-strong Club.
In June, the European Council granted candidate status to Kyiv and Chisinau. Now the EPC draws a symbolic but clear line between itself and Russia, which is using any means possible, including war, to rebuild its empire. So Macron's creation really counts for something in the East. Things are much more unclear in the Western Balkans, which have been stuck in the EU's waiting room for nearly two decades. street.
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